In recent years, South Asia has seen a rapid deterioration in press freedom and freedom of expression. Writers are facing increasing censorship, silence, and persecution in South Asian countries. These include Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. Press freedom in Bangladesh has severely declined. This is especially noticeable in recent months after the downfall of the Sheikh Hasina regime in August 2024. It marks one of the most drastic setbacks in the country’s fifty-year history. Let me give an account of the things taking place.
According to Reporters Without Borders (RWB) and PEN International research, writers in recent years across South Asia face arrest. They also experience detention and even face death. They are often imprisoned for vaguely worded offences related to national security. This happens in Afghanistan, Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. Compared to India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, and Bhutan, electoral democracy is more vulnerable in Pakistan and Bangladesh. Afghanistan is the finest example as the country of growing darkness.
In the world press freedom index 2024 made by the RWB, all these countries rank extremely low: Maldives (106), Bhutan (147), Sri Lanka (150), Pakistan (152), India (159), Bangladesh (165), and Afghanistan (178) – out of 180 nations.
The authorities are not fulfilling their role. They should be guarantors of the best possible environment for journalism. The public deserves reliable, independent, and diverse news and information. International observers, including the RWB, have witnessed a worrying decline in support and respect for media autonomy. There is also an increase in pressure from the state or other political actors.
South Asia sees writers forced to flee persecution and seek pathways to safety, often cruelly denied. Such a fate is witnessed not only in Afghanistan but also in other parts of the region, for instance, Bangladesh. Pakistan’s military establishment continues to suppress dissent in regions like Balochistan, echoing the historical oppression that led to Bangladesh’s independence in 1971. Even in India, the state of free expression is not that different. The Arundhati Roy case1 is an example in this regard.
The original complaint against Roy is based on comments she made at a conference in New Delhi where she said Kashmir – the region disputed between India and Pakistan – has never been an “integral” part of India. Short of context, these words were used by the right to portray Roy as an “anti-national”. She has been charged with “offences related to provocative speech and the promotion of enmity between different groups”.
The peril we witness
Let me now focus on the peril in Bangladesh and the challenges we are facing concerning press freedom and democracy. Since the ouster of Sheikh Hasina, interim regime chief Yunus has been on a warpath. Thousands have lost their jobs. Around 300 people have been accused of murder. Nearly 30 journalists have been imprisoned. This includes journalist couple Farzana Rupa and Shakil Ahmed, along with editors Shyamal Datta and Mozammel Babu. These actions ensure the absence of accountability towards Yunus. Whether due to his own rivalry with Sheikh Hasina or ideology, he has unleashed Jamaat-e-Islami terrorism across Bangladesh and sprung local al Qaeda affiliates from prison. Minorities are terrified. Absence of free expression is ensuring smooth environment towards ‘the enemy of the people’ era to commit ethnic cleansing from administration and law enforcing agencies.
The New York Times’ report on Bangladesh – a global eye opening
Bangladeshi media are not in the habit of writing anything critical about the Yunus regime and the army. People in Bangladesh are afraid to criticise the “power elephants” of the state. It is even suicidal to question the shortcomings of the army or criticising mainstream religious groups for ignoring homegrown militancy in Bangladesh. However, The New York Times formulated an article as follows; ‘As Bangladesh Reinvents Itself, Islamist Hard-Liners See an Opening’ dated the 1st of April 2025.
This report might have been a global eye-opener. However, prior to this, I gave such hints half a year ago. I published these in writings by The Himalayan Timmes in Nepal, Ground View in Sri Lanka, Garhwal Post and the Voice of Raebareli in India, Upsala Nya Tidning, Sydasien, Upplitt Magasin, Dagens Nyheter in Sweden, Ny Tid, Radikal Politikk in Norway and in The Daily Finland on various occasions.
Alarming incidents are unfolding in Bangladesh. These incidents are occurring after the fall of the former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina regime. Media reports are failing to capture and expose the full scope of these events. What’s particularly concerning is that the ‘unconstitutional’ interim administration led by Yunus is backed by the military and Islamist factions. It is targeting secular progressive groups and branding them as ‘criminals.’ Meanwhile, it treats known terrorists as ‘innocent.’
This situation has not yet sparked the critical debate it deserves among Bangladesh’s leaders, media, or law enforcement. The terrain is tricky, shaped by both domestic and external power brokers. Let me outline the concerning developments. Convicted Islamist terrorists aligned with groups like ISIS or Al-Qaeda have been released. Additionally, some of the country’s most notorious criminals listed on Interpol’s notice have been freed.
Yunus to follow trajectory of Erdogan, Akhundzada and Al-Sharaa
Yunus is following the trajectory of Turkey’s Erdogan. He also follows Afghanistan’s Hibatullah Akhundzada and Syria’s Ahmed Hussein al-Sharaa. Bangladesh and her state of media are in peril.
The Yunus administration released Mufti Muhammad Jasimuddin Rahmani. He is the leader of the banned Islamist terror organization Ansarullah Bangla Team (ABT). He had been imprisoned for his role in the murder of blogger Ahmed Rajib Haider. This terror group was founded in 2013. It aimed to propagate Al-Qaeda’s radical ideologies within Bangladesh. The group was responsible for the murder of five bloggers within two years of its inception.
Some of the most notorious terrorists recently freed include Abbas Ali, alias ‘Killer Abbas’ from Mirpur, Sheikh Mohammad Aslam, alias ‘Sweden Aslam’ from Tejgaon, Imamul Hasan Helal, alias ‘Picchi Helal’ from Mohammadpur, Sanjidul Islam, alias ‘Emon,’ Naim Ahmed, alias ‘Titon,’ and Khorshed Alam Rasu, alias ‘Freedom Rasu.’ Another top Islamist terrorist, Shibir Nasir, based in the country’s second-largest city, Chittagong which is even Yunus’ home city, was also released. This is an obvious threat to the nation as a whole and specifically towards the working media professionals if they dare to provide objective reporting featuring ongoing atrocities.
Meanwhile, a segment of Bangladesh’s society supports the secular spirit of the 1971 War of Liberation. They also support the 1952 Language Movement. These supporters have quickly been branded as ‘criminals.’ The arrest of writer Shahriar Kabir is a glaring example of this trend. He is one of hundreds facing persecution under the current administration. On the other hand, the administration is sheltering those responsible for attacks on teachers and women. They also shelter those attacking religious institutions such as churches, shrines, temples, and pagodas. Criminals involved in July-August 2024 atrocities got indemnity by the Yunus administration.
Destructive polarisation
The Yunus administration has chosen the colonial divide and rule strategy. The government and law enforcement agencies now draw a clear line between two polarized groups. One side stands for the pro-1971 secular progressive values. The other supports Islamist and military ideals. The Yunus administration appears to be treading a dangerous path. It shows clear bias in favour of Islamist extremists. It also favors the criminal underworld.
Reports have amplified these concerns. Weapons and ammunition have been stolen from police stations and prisons. Detectives suspect that these are now in the hands of escaped militants. This alarming situation has heightened fears among the public. Individuals in the writing community are also worried. Law enforcement agencies are concerned about the growing threat posed by these armed extremists.
Since the fall of the Sheikh Hasina administration, several hundreds of terrorist attacks against minorities have occurred. These incidents happened in just two weeks. There have been numerous deaths. Instances of rape targeting minority women have also been recorded. Mob-lynching, often under the guise of vigilante justice, has become increasingly common. Despite this, the administration appears either dysfunctional or unwilling to stop these acts of barbarism.
In two separate incidents, men were beaten to death at Dhaka University and Jahangirnagar University. Women were raped on public buses. Hindu monk Chinmoy Prabhu Das has been detained for long without any solid ground.
Secular progressive expression under target
Homes and shops belonging to the indigenous Chakma people were burned down on last year in Khagrachari district of the Chittagong Hill Tracts.
During the Yunus regime, the country experienced widespread destruction of over 1400 sculptures, academies, museums, and libraries. The devastation included statues of the country’s founding president, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Nobel laureate Bengali poet Rabindranath Tagore, pioneer and modern Bengali artist Shilpacharya Zainul Abedin, pioneering feminist writer Begum Rokeya, and the country’s 1971 liberation war heroes.
These incidents are occurring across the country, yet the media has largely failed to expose the full scale of the violence. The Yunus administration appears to be tacitly supporting the elements behind these ongoing killings, arson, and looting, while focusing its efforts on arresting pro-1971 War of Liberation intellectuals, cultural figures, and political leaders.
Not only journalists, but also notable individuals have been targeted, they include writer Shahriar Kabir and actor Asaduzzaman Nur, Hindu monk Chinmoy Prabhu Das. The targeting of these prominent figures raises concerns about the motives of this administration, which seems more interested in creating political and social chaos by freeing terrorists and criminals while arresting those who hold opposing views.
At this point, the Yunus administration seems to have intensified its crackdown on pro-1971 ideologies.
Unhealthy change in media
Under the Yunus regime, the media experienced drastic change. Most major media outlets are now featuring a series of propaganda. Visible, invisible, self, and imposed censorship are obvious. The media is expected to expose the truth. But they are now in most cases doing its opposite. People lost their trust in the media. Media in Bangladesh is now the champion of media trials. Following the regime change, many media houses removed key people from their management. They did this without any professional consideration. Their aim was to draw the goodwill attention of the elements in the new administration. Some were forced to do it. Others acted out of fear of power players connected to the new regime.
This is a new low in the 50-year history of media. Several media houses have a record of giving undue space to the leaders of banned Islamist forces’ leaders. They do it on their mission to favour this unconstitutional military-Islamist friendship regime.
Media features news by a version provided by the authorities. No matter whether they are true or false. Yunus’ press wing has turned to be the propaganda wing. Yunus’ Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam, the third class propagandist, echoes the voice of the banned Hizbut Tahrir and other Islamist elements.
The Yunus administration has cancelled press accreditation cards to working journalists and have stopped providing accreditation cards to foreign journalists.
Official positions at different media platforms were occupied by elements loyal to the Yunus administration. Memberships for progressive liberal journalists to these organisations, including the National Press Club, have been cancelled.
A journalist lost his job from daily Kaler Kantho because of publishing a news report. The report followed a press release that called for the resignation of the press secretary. The journalist’s name was Sajib Ghosh.
The Yunus administration, through its press wing and intelligence agencies, monitors writers, journalists and artists every day.
If they find news reporting they do not like, they target the media professional and file murder cases against them. In this sense, the press wing under Yunus’ administration has been accused of threatening, controlling, and harassing media professionals when critical reports emerge.
Bangladeshi media faring today
Bangladeshi media does not have a strong professional foundation. There is no job justice and guarantee in the media sector. Professional journalists in most cases do not get their due salaries on time. Job security is a severe problem. Nowadays, I see the absence of ’news sense’. The lack of environment and chances for professional development and proper orientation is alarming. It is a very common and mandatory condition for a news report that requires source checking and a statement from all parties concerned.
Now we see major news media outlets presenting wholesale reports provided by intelligence agencies and administrative sources. This kind of practice is more dangerous than propaganda. Pro-people news reports are not getting proper treatment in most cases. On the other hand, the media is manifesting diverse profiles holding official positions and rubbish propaganda every day.
There is a difference between an official brochure’ and a news presentation. I am tired of seeing ’protocol journalism’. Editors with very few exceptions are fond of building connections with elements in the powerful corridors that are an obvious barrier to media progress. If a country’s executive boss is hungry for advice from editors, it is wise for him to ensure total freedom of expression for the media. At the same time, the ’unconstitutional’ Yunus regime does need to withdraw the cases against media professionals, editors, writers, artists, and cultural practitioners at the earliest.
Last words
To restore democratic governance and ensure free and fair elections, this administration must prioritize two key objectives. First, it must normalize the country’s economy, politics, education, and law and order. Second, it must facilitate political dialogue and consensus among the major political alliances, such as the BNP-led allies and the AL-led 14-party coalition plus the Jatiya Party.
To guarantee the steps mentioned above, the Yunus administration must respect the practice of free expression and stop his press wing’s third-class propaganda which sounds the spirit of the banned Islamist extremist group Hizbut Tahrir in Dhaka and the Taliban in Kabul.
Without these steps, the future of Bangladesh’s democracy is at risk, and the visible invisible non-democratic alliance between the military and Islamist factions could remain entrenched for years to come. It can turn to be the permanent block to free expression.
- The Supreme Court of India found Arundhati Roy, a Booker-prize winning author, guilty of contempt and sentenced her to one day’s ‘symbolic’ imprisonment and a fine. ↩︎